Understanding the Impact of Everyday Stressors on One Secondary School Teacher in the UK: A Small Descriptive Case Study

Understanding the Impact of Everyday Stressors on One Secondary School Teacher in the UK: A Small Descriptive Case Study

DOI: 10.4018/978-1-6684-6543-1.ch029
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Abstract

This chapter presents a small descriptive case study of workplace stressors of varied tones and hues as experienced by one UK secondary school teacher. This teacher started out his career “feeling excited and like I was doing [something] worthwhile… something noble... doing something for the kids… putting something back”; but twenty years later is now disaffected. The aim is to transport the reader to slices of life in his teaching world; to make the strange familiar to those who do not experience such daily stressors in their everyday work; but also, to make familiar stressors strange to those who have become accustomed to similar workplace environments. More than that however, this chapter provides readers with analytical tools for understanding how one teacher experiences such daily stressors, the emotions which accompany this and the psychological resources that buffer against negative effects.
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Introduction

It is logical to begin this chapter with a sense of the space and place our teacher, whom we name Mr. Worrall, inhabits during his working week. Mr. Worrall works in a medium-sized secondary school serving a community which has undergone significant restructuring since the 1980s following large scale decline and the ‘crumbling’ (Strangleman, Rhodes and Linkon 2014) away of traditional UK industry. In part, the character of the surrounding locality physically and psychically communicates the powerful political cliché of the ‘left behind town’. Peripheral to the “somewhat forgotten cities” (Mr. Worrall, interview data) in the north of England, this town lies in a geographically liminal “third space” (Bhabha, 2004, p.55). In many ways, for Mr. Worrall who is a “centre left” supporter, and someone from a traditional working-class background, the wider school community’s working-class identity and outlook must symbolise some of the UK’s curious ambiguities and ambivalences of social class identities; as well as with education as a social, cultural, and economic process. This research takes place six years after Brexit when the majority of this community’s residents voted to leave the European Union in 2016. Three years later, this town constituted part of the “fall of the red wall”, when most residents voted Conservative in the 2019 UK general election. Now the town might be conceptualised as existing, “…in the moment of transit where space and time cross to produce complex figures of difference and identity, past and present, inside and outside, inclusion and exclusion” (ibid, p.1).  The wastelands where the once-colossal infrastructure borne out of the Victorian age, have begun to be cleared for new, large housing developments of executive detached houses, townhouses and bungalows and business parks. Although government data indicates rates of unemployment has dropped in this town, it masks the fact that most employed residents hold insecure low-paid work and uncertain prospects. Parts of the school’s catchment area feature in the top ten per cent of neighbourhoods nationally according to the Index of Multiple Deprivation (IMD).  

Raising aspirations of the local community feeds into the everyday life of this school and in turn filters down into this teacher’s work. Our teacher is currently employed as a head of department where he leads a team of teachers for his subject area. He trained as a secondary school teacher nearly two decades ago, and has now reached a stage of professional maturity and, as he admits, “cynicism”; although cynicism which is delivered with a dry and subversive sense of humour which we glimpse in the data. Over the years, he has acquired rich levels of subject and pedagogical knowledge which enables him to prepare pupils for and getting them successfully through GCSEs and A-Levels. He has spent his career working against long-established social inequalities which play out in new ways through neoliberal schooling but has achieved success for his classes against the odds. In his own time, he has invested in extra professional learning.  He “knows” the local community but a sense of being connected to a global society and economy influences his own identity and outlook.  

Mr. Worrall is robust, stoic, responsible and honest. He has held different responsibilities within schools including on the senior management team (SLT). He has a work ethic, a high level of organisational commitment, and believes he “should work hard given the role, the renumeration and the responsibilities he has chosen to take on” (Mr. Worrall’s emphasis). He recognises and to a large extent accepts the stressors of the job, does “feel pissed off” but carries on regardless. Part of the coping mechanisms this teacher uses are the temporal, physical and psychic boundaries he has set up to compartmentalise work from his personal life. At home, he is “off”. He can, for the most part, shut out the thoughts of daily stressors when he is not at work, although admits there have been periods when the burdens of work have resulted in deep feelings of stress emanating from “the impossibility of being able to carry out the impossible”.  

Key Terms in this Chapter

Senior Leadership Team: The senior leadership of a secondary school typically consists of the headteacher, deputy headteacher, assistant headteachers and they hold the ultimate responsibility for the success of the school. This group of senior leaders set the direction and ethos of the school. They meet regularly to create clearly defined systems, processes and infrastructure to meet goals. A central part of the SLT’s role is to establish school improvement plans, monitor day-to-day teaching and learning,

The Index of Multiple Deprivation (IMD): The official measure of deprivation used by the English Indices of Deprivation 2019 and is specific to England. An IMD score considers factors such as income, employment, living environment, barriers to housing, crime, health and education to rank areas from most to least deprived across the country.

Parents: For the purposes of this chapter, parents include carers, guardians, and other adults who are acting in loco parentis.

Planning, preparation and assessment (PPA) time: A protected and statutory requirement since 2005. PPA time is allocated for a teacher to complete their planning, preparation and assessment duties outside of the classroom. Teachers with leadership responsibilities get additional PPA time.

Secondary School: The second stage of compulsory schooling in England lying between Primary School and non-compulsory Higher Education. Children’s first year in secondary school is called Y7 which they attend from the age of 11-12.

Teachers’ standards: Define the minimum level of practice expected of trainees and teachers from the point of being awarded qualified teacher status (QTS).

Pupils: Refers to children of all ages who are taught by qualified teachers.

National Curriculum: All local-authority maintained schools must teach the national curriculum by law. The national curriculum sets out the attainment targets for all subjects at KS1-4.

Key Stage 4 (KS4): During key stage 4 most pupils work towards national qualifications - usually GCSEs.

A-Levels: Advanced level British qualifications which are usually taken at the age of eighteen. These are subject-based qualifications.

Key Stage 3 (KS3): Pupils usually enter key stage 3 aged 11-14.

GCSE: General Certificate of Secondary Education. The first qualification obtained by UK pupils, usually at the age of 16.

Head of Department: A head of department in a secondary school leads a team of subject-specialist teachers.

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