Cycle of Violence, Transport Chain Theory, and Election Disputes in Developing Countries: A Case of Nigeria

Introduction

All countries in the world experience a form of violence or the other. Africa as a continent is not left out. The era of blaming the woes of the continent solely on the colonial draconian rule is not absolutely tenable again. The continent to a large political extent gain independent more than four decades ago. However, to some extent economic and social colonialism still persist. Nevertheless, political independence gives the countries the ability to make their rules and policies which govern and control both the economic and social realms in the continent. To this extent, developmental drives should have widely spread from the political realms to the economic and social ramification of the continent. This seems to be in a mirage because there still persistent systemic and governance failure, policy inconsistency and administrative mishaps especially in electoral matters.

A typical example is the persistency of electoral violence in Africa. Election is a major determinant of who governs the country for a space of time. It is a determinant of who get what, when and how in the political landscape in Africa (Hafner-Burton, Hyde and Jablonski, 2014; Aluko and Oyedele, 2019). It is also the determinant of the authoritative allocation of scare value among people. Given such importance to elections, it seems to be an event that is most saddled with all forms of ‘do-or-die’, mishaps and mal-management. This often results into various levels of violence before the conduct of the election, during the conduct and after the election process had been concluded. Such electoral violence is seen in North, South, East, Central and West Africa.

In fact, it seems that electoral violence has become a norm in the continent. The processes in North Africa countries are highly stage managed by the monarchical structure and the military echelon. They determine which political party will be registered, who will contest the election and who will be declared as winner of such. To this end the electorates often protest to cause electoral uproar and a partial revolution in the polity. In East African countries, elections are filled with violence and inconsistencies. The sit-tight-syndrome and political ‘godfatherism’ networks are major propeller of electoral violence which sweep widely across the political landscape. In Central Africa, the politics of poverty and the general impoverishment of the masses promote political apathy and several pockets of electoral violence.

In Southern Africa countries, the major source of electoral violence is also the notion of dictatorship of political godfathers, limited political party system, wide spread poverty among the electorates, racism and minority ethnic group subjugation by the majority ethnic group. All of this often leads to volatile electoral process in the region. The election violence does not leave West Africa as an exemption. In fact, every electioneering period is like a mini war season. It is usually characterised with kidnapping, killing and all forms of political, economic and social manipulation of the electorates by the political parties, government officials and or the members of the electoral commission. A typical example of electoral violence in West Africa is conspicuous in the 2007, 2011, 2015 and the 2019 general election in Nigeria.

This study seeks to examine the extent of persistency of electoral violence in Africa using Nigeria as a yardstick. The study observes how conspicuous and ubiquitous is electoral violence in Nigeria’s 2007, 2011, 2015 and 2019 general elections. The theoretical construct of origin of violence cycle and its typology is used to explain the ‘genetic’ structure of violence in developing countries. Quantitative and qualitative research designs tools of questionnaires and interviews are used to elicit data. The study clarifies the concept of election, election dispute, and theoretical origin of cycle of disputes and also presented findings so as to arrive at a conclusion on the extent and persistency of electoral violence in African States with a focus on Nigeria.