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Top1. Introduction
Researchers tried to identify the core issues of the Rohingya crisis, ethnic identity, and historical context (Chan, 2005; Driss, 2016; Farzana, 2015; Milton et al., 2017; Uddin, 2019; Zawacki, 2012). Rohingyas are often described as the most persecuted minority in the world (Bepler, 2018). In 2014, the UN-backed census attempted to conduct; permission given initially to identify the Muslim minority group as the Rohingya. Buddhist nationalists threatened to boycott the census, and 'some hard-line Buddhists spread rumors that Muslims were attempting to convert Myanmar from a Buddhist country through migration and marriage to Buddhist women' (Holland, 2014). Attempting to keep the peace, the government decided Rohingya could only register if they identified as Bengali instead (Albert & Maizland, 2019). Rohingyas are claiming Myanmar (Burmese) citizenship as their natural right; they are entitled to enjoy all citizenship rights. But the state political authority of Myanmar continued to deny Rohingya's right and entitlement, whereas Bangladesh considered Rohingyas as foreign citizens or 'illegal Burmese migrants' (Farzana, 2015; Uddin, 2019).
Historically, the Rohingya people are fleeing to Bangladesh, Malaysia, and Thailand to save themselves from the oppression in their country of origin (Steinberg, 2010; Yesmin, 2016). Myanmar's military Junta launched 'Operation Nagamin' in 1978. At that time, thousands of Rohingya fled to neighboring Bangladesh. Experiencing persecution at home, a large number [approximately 200,000] of Rohingyas also arrived in 1991, 1992, and 2012 (Yesmin, 2016). In 2017, the world saw Rohingya influx due to 'Clearance Operations' by the Myanmar security forces which had begun before the insurgent attacks on police posts on August 25; United Nations described it as a “Textbook example of ethnic cleansing” which includes killings, torture, and rape (Nebehay, 2017; Uddin, 2019; UN News, 2017). And even, inhuman justice was seen during disaster response (Cyclone Komen 2005) in Myanmar's Rakhine State. Massive flood impacted the state; Muslim Rohingya minority fled their homes to 'seek refuge' in government shelters, they could have stayed at the shelter if they had signed documents identifying themselves as Bengalis (Desportes, 2019).
In 2012, the then foreign minister Dipu Moni stated that “Bangladesh is a densely populated country and the Rohingyas have impacts on our society, law and order and environment. Considering all aspects, it will create serious problems for us. We are not interested in more people coming to Bangladesh” (The Daily Star, 2012). When Dhaka rejected the Rohingya entry to Bangladesh, the government directed the administration and law enforcement agencies to beef up vigilance and resist intrusion. During that time, the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) urged the Bangladesh government to allow the people seeking refugees in the country (The Daily Star, 2012). Before the 1990s, Bangladesh followed liberal policy in dealing with the Rohingya crisis. For protecting the refugees, the government built camps, provided temporary shelters and other assistance. People of Bangladesh had a soft corner to the Rohingyas for humanitarian reasons (Yesmin, 2016). From the same humanitarian ground, Bangladesh had welcomed Rohingya people in 2017 when Myanmar's military torture was unbearable in their homeland. With the continuous Rohingya fleeing and camp settlements, the refugee situation in Bangladesh has become one of the most protracted crises in the world (Milton et al., 2017). Primarily the government of Bangladesh denied education for Rohingya children. Human Rights Watch (HRW) report finds the barrier to education for Rohingya refugee children. As per the report, it is not due to lack of resources but the government's policy of deliberate deprivation of education in pursuit of its efforts to prevent the refugees from integrating (Human Rights Watch, 2019). In January 2020, Bangladesh allows schooling for Rohingya children, which is welcomed by human rights activists (AFP, 2020). In 2019, Gambia filed the Rohingya genocide case against Myanmar at the United Nation's highest court, the International Court of Justice (ICJ). Myanmar's de facto leader Aung San Suu Kyi claimed that the allegations are “Incomplete and misleading factual picture of the situation” (Al Jazeera, 2019; Bowcott, 2019). In a historic verdict, the ICJ ordered the Myanmar government to protect Rohingyas from genocide and to prevent the destruction of evidence related to genocide allegations (UN News, 2020).